Cost of politics
Solomon Islands

7 Key Takeaways: Cost of Politics

1

Solomon Islands political culture dictates that candidates or MPs be judged on how much attention they give to constituents’ needs rather than how well they fulfil legislative responsibilities.

2

Campaign tours, which take place just before election day, are costly endeavours determined by the geographical size of the constituencies and/or the inhabiting population.

3

Campaign costs can also fluctuate based on the campaign’s style and the number of campaign supporters who participate in the tour. To make a lasting impression on voters, candidates who can afford to do so take along many supporters and campaign managers with them.

4

Registration and election day costs are the most significant outlay that aspiring candidates must make. Often it requires chartering ships, which can cost between SBD 200,000-500,000, depending on the size of the vessel, the number of trips, and the travel time.

5

Personal savings are an important source of funding for campaigns. Many current MPs had also run businesses before getting elected, with the financial backing these can provide viewed as key to their success.

6

The increase in the CDF amount in the past two decades to about SBD 30 million per constituency per parliamentary term has incentivised many candidates to run for office in the first place. But for those seeking re-election it offers a valuable resource that can be used to enhance their political prospects.

7

Return rates of incumbents have increased since 2014; over 70% of incumbents retained their seats in 2024.

Population: 800,000
Head of Government: Prime Minister Jeremiah Manele
Ruling party/coalition: Government for National Unity and Transformation (coalition)
Last election: 2024
Next election: 2028
Number of registered voters: 420,250
Annual salary of member of legislature: SBD 198,810 (USD 24,000)
Year of study: 2025

Key Findings

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Context

  • Elections in the post-independence period have been relatively peaceful. While vote buying and a degree of voter coercion do occur, systemic fraud or electoral violence has not undermined the integrity and results of elections.
  • When discussing voting behaviour in Solomon Islands constituency politics, scholars have referred to two major theories to explain behaviour and political alliances: rational choice theory and cultural theory. Although factors such as party policies or religious affiliations also influence some voter decisions, these are less critical.
  • In the kin-based politics of Melanesia, gifts only yield political results when given within the context of an existing relationship, in this case, a kin relationship. Without a kin connection, gifts are not binding, nor do they automatically turn recipients into faithful followers.
  • Party membership is often fluid, and MPs readily switch allegiance when and where it is convenient. Usually, this has to do with incentives offered by coalitions. Most political parties are largely disconnected from voters. As a result, voters focus on individual candidates rather than the political parties they belong to when making their political choice.
  • Gendered preferences emanating from the patriarchal cultures common in Melanesia continue to favour men over women for leadership responsibilities and shape voters’ behaviour. These culturally accepted stereotypes also limit women’s access to actors such as brokers and intermediaries who play an important role in garnering support at the constituency level

Drivers of the cost of politics

  • In the lead-up to elections, and upon declaring their intentions to run, aspiring candidates often receive multiple requests for help from individuals and groups. How candidates respond to such requests often has implications for their candidacy.
  • Campaign tours, which take place just before election day, are costly endeavours determined by the geographical size of the constituencies and/or the inhabiting population.
  • Anyone wishing to register to vote must travel to the constituency within this period. For eligible voters who do not reside in their constituencies, candidates take on the responsibility of transporting their supporters to their respective constituencies to register. A process they repeat on election day.

Sources of funding

  • A lack of financial resources prevents political parties from financially supporting candidates. Interviewees received minimal financial assistance from political parties, even when contesting under party banners.
  • The lack of effective oversight in how the funds – which amount to SBD 6–7 million per year – are spent enables incumbents to directly supplement their election campaigns and to partake in constant campaigning by providing goods and other rewards to their patronage and voter networks.

Implications

  • Using cash and goods to encourage voters cultivates and consolidates a culture of vote buying that erodes good governance. It means candidates with more financial resources have an advantage during elections because they can use these funds to cover the necessary election-related costs and especially meet the demands of potential voters.
  • Coupled with the need to amass resources to maintain voter loyalty, MPs often face situations where they must choose between principled governance and the incentives offered by political factions competing for power within parliament.
  • The high cost creates a structural barrier that denies marginalised groups an equal opportunity to participate in politics. Respondents highlighted that the high costs accentuate the difficulties already facing women, youth, persons with disabilities.

Recommendations

  • There is a need to implement stricter campaign financing regulations to limit the influence of money in elections. While the Electoral Act 2018 provides guidelines on campaign spending, there is no mechanism to verify expenditures. To address the compliance problem, a fully capable – in terms of resources and technical know-how – separate body or unit should be set up to monitor campaign expenditures, enforce compliance, and recommend necessary actions when electoral laws are breached.
  • Stronger voter education programmes that show tangible evidence of how voters could benefit from policy-based voting, highlighting examples from the other Pacific nations, could have a greater impact. These education and awareness programmes can be coordinated through government agencies, civil society groups, and other non-government organisations that have experience working with communities and rural populations. Social media platforms can also be leveraged to disseminate important information through prominent online influencers where these can be identified as non-partisan.
  • The CDF Act 2024 provides superficial and almost deceptive protection for MPs. While it removes MPs’ control over the fund by denying them the ability to sign cheques, it still gives MPs the final say over the CDF programmes and recipients. A revised Act should remove the MP from the whole process and reassign the responsibilities for the management of the CDF to the Ministry of Rural Development and CDOs.
Read the report (English)
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Cost of politics