7 Key Takeaways: Cost of Politics
7 Key Takeaways: Cost of Politics
Population: 201 million
Head of Government: President Bola Ahmed Tinubu
Ruling party/coalition: All Progressives Congress
Last election: 2023 (February and March)
Next election: 2027
Number of registered voters: 93 million (2023)
Annual salary of member of legislature: (excluding benefits): N9.6 million (US$25,265), (including benefits): N172 million (US$449,000)
Year of study: 2016 and 2025
At the federal level, only 16 women are currently members of the 360 seat’ House of Representatives, while only four women, or 3.7%, are members of the Senate.
Political godfathers are instrumental to the emergence of virtually every successful candidate in whichever state they control.
Party primaries are usually grounds for party delegates to make a huge amount of money. Individuals interviewed stated that the pre-election vote buying is far more expensive because it requires sizeable payments – mostly in foreign currencies – to party delegates.
The cost of elections is higher for a contestant in the dominant parties because the potential to win the election is higher, which informs an intense competition for the party’s ticket.
Political aspirants spend huge amounts of money on upgrading services and developmental projects in order to get the support of the community.
The terminology of “logistics” conveys many meanings for political actors and is used for several purposes on election day, but it is mostly a budget dedicated to vote-buying, bribery of election officials and payment of thugs. Around N200-300,000 is allocated to each ward – each LGA has between 10 and 20 wards - for the purpose of buying votes.
Nigerian electoral jurisprudence empowers the courts to calculate votes and pronounce actual winners. Nigerian politicians are therefore prepared to spend significant amounts at this juncture because they believe that elections that cannot be won at the polling booths, can be won in the courts.
Population: 201 million
Head of Government: President Bola Ahmed Tinubu
Ruling party/coalition: All Progressives Congress
Last election: 2023 (February and March)
Next election: 2027
Number of registered voters: 93 million (2023)
Annual salary of member of legislature: (excluding benefits): N9.6 million (US$25,265), (including benefits): N172 million (US$449,000)
Year of study: 2016 and 2025
Key Findings
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Context
- Nigeria is a federation with three tiers of government: the federal Governement, 36 state governments and 774 local government areas. The Senate is composed of 109 Senators; based on equal representation of three Senators from each of the 36 states and one representing the Federal Capital Territory (FCT). The House of Representatives is made up of 360 elected members from the 360 constituencies into which the country is divided. Numbers of representatives per state is based on proportional representation of the population of each of the 36 states, including the FCT.
- Due to high level of corruption and impunity, appointed and elected public officials have almost limitless access to public resources. By implication and historically, the ruling party has more funds to run party activities, including elections.
- Notwithstanding, the constitutional provisions designed to foster greater unity, ethnic consciousness and identity is deeply entrenched. National concerns are viewed from ethnic perspectives and interests, resulting in suspicion of other ethnic groups and often leading to conflicts.
Drivers of the cost of politics
- The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) lacks capacity, beyond the audit of political party accounts, to prosecute parties and candidates for breach of campaign finance rules.
- Certain formal and informal cost barriers hinder the free participation of citizens in politics. Most drivers of cost of politics are illegal because the dishonest use of both private and public funds is often involved.
- Over the years, political parties have capitalised on election periods to make money from candidates through the sales of Expression of Interest and Nomination Forms.
- Getting the support of godfathers does not come cheap, whether in monetary terms, which have to be paid in advance, or a commitment to regular returns of percentage of certain budget-line of state resources, usually ‘security votes’.
- Because the political fortune of a candidate is determined by the votes of party delegates, the candidates and their sponsors go all out to bribe and buy those votes during the primary process.
- While Nigeria’s current political finance regulations are stronger than they have been, the capacity and willingness of INEC for enforcement is lacking.
- Regardless of the input of the MPs to constituency development, in terms of the provision of infrastructure, the personal needs of his constituents, as well as those of the elders are usually required to be met. The MPs has to “settle” in order to continue to be in the good books of the constituents whose demands include but are not limited to school fees, medical bills, employment opportunities and holy pilgrimage trips.
- Political parties in Nigeria significantly contribute to the financial burden of candidates through high nomination fees, internal levies, and the expectation of self-funded campaigns. Beyond the exorbitant fees for nomination forms, candidates are required to make financial contributions to party activities, including funding party offices, mobilisation efforts, and internal events.
Implications
- The heavy monetisation of the electoral process often leads to the emergence of candidates with a huge war chest that influences or induces voters with money. More popular, capable and grassroots oriented candidates often lose out due to their inability to mobilise the required resources to match these moneyed contestants.
- The heavy monetisation of politics has greatly compromised electoral outcomes in Nigeria despite the huge investments in electoral reforms made since 2007. The inflated costs associated with campaigning can deter qualified individuals from entering politics, particularly those who are not wealthy or connected. This results in a political landscape dominated by individuals who prioritise personal gain over public service.
- The monetised political and electoral system has led to the emergence of leaders who are primarily focused on recovering the huge resources spent during election campaigns. Poor power supply, dilapidated infrastructure, insecurity and poor health care delivery all have their roots in corruption, and this is closely linked to weak and compromised leadership that the monetisation of politics is fuelling.
- In lieu of substantive political discourse or policy proposals, candidates often invest heavily in providing immediate material benefits to potential voters. Such practices divert attention from critical development issues, and mechanisms that can provide oversight of effective service delivery, are ignored.
Recommendations
- Building capacities of more vibrant CSOs can multiply the numbers of knowledgeable practitioners in party and campaign finance. The empowered CSOs can grow to become a vibrant campaign network promoting campaign finance issues and regulation enforcement.
- The executive should initiate substantial judicial reforms to increase the independence of the judiciary and work with the National Judicial Council to address lingering problems associated with electoral jurisprudence in Nigeria.
- The legislature should amend the Electoral Act to increase penalties for offences related to violation of election finance regulations and to ensure that missing components of election financing especially post-election litigation costs are included in the regulations and regulated accordingly.
- Political parties should reduce the cost of participation fees especially nomination and expression of interest fees and adopt other innovative measures for raising funds.
- INEC needs to be unbundled for the establishment of a separate agency to deal with electoral offences including finance-related electoral offence.
- Provide training and guidance on fundraising and low-cost campaigning – for example how to use social media for mobilisation - for marginalised groups like women, youth, and PWDs.
