Cost of Politics Reports

Regular elections have been a feature of Phillipine politics since the 1986 ouster of Ferdinand Marcos, Sr., the dictator who ruled the country for 20 years. The first were held in 1992, under a new constitution, which reintroduced measures to strengthening political institutions and civil society participation. However, electoral politics in the country remains clientelist and dynastic, with political parties weak and policy-oriented debates not decisive. This situation leaves little room for those without significant political and financial capital, especially women and the youth, to participate. While media discourse in the Philippines often highlights the high costs of seeking and maintaining political office, systematic analysis of the issue is lacking. This report aims to fill this gap by conducting a qualitative analysis on the cost of legislative politics in the Philippines which is comprehensive, multidimensional and intersectional. Furthermore, it seeks to unpack why and how these costs may impact differently on aspirants of various background - those part or outside of elite groups and traditional political dynasties, those with or without political parties or machineries, those with extensive political experience and those with none – and across genders. By understanding the relationships between these factors and electoral and political participation, the study also offers some actionable pathways for reform to enable a more inclusive and democratic elections and politics in the Philippines.

This study examines how expenditure incurred by individuals contesting for office across the electoral cycle, from candidacy decisions through the campaign period to post-election responsibilities – the “cost of politics” - create barriers to democratic participation in Malaysia. Based on interviews with 26 individuals, including candidates (both successful and unsuccessful), a campaign manager, and subject matter experts, the study reveals how financial barriers systematically exclude women, youth, and persons with disabilities (PWD) while distorting democratic representation.

This study examines the 2024 legislative election in Taiwan as a case study to explore the political costs incurred by candidates running for central-level public office. It investigates the various costs—both tangible (such as financial expenses) and intangible (such as time commitment)—at different stages of the election cycle, from party primaries and campaigning to serving as a legislator. The research aims to answer the following questions: What political costs are necessary in the context of Taiwan’s electoral culture? Do political costs serve as barriers to female or young candidates? What are the implications of political costs for Taiwan’s democratic processes?

The high and constant cost of politics in Solomon Islands, which often exceeds formal limits during campaign periods, is driven by a multitude of factors. Individual candidates largely bear the burden for these costs, tapping into personal savings or business proceeds to raise the resources required, with political parties notably absent. This high cost of politics has become a barrier that excludes individuals from marginalised groups from running for parliamentary seats. It also incentivises corruption and undermines development-driven governance.

India’s geographical expanse, socio-cultural diversity and multi-level federal representative governance structures makes its electoral landscape extremely vibrant and unique. But in recent decades the world’s largest democracy has attracted sustained scholarly attention as a result of the increasingly huge costs of not just holding elections, but contesting in them. A staggering 1.35 lakh crore or USD 16 billion was estimated to have been spent by political parties and candidates, with significant variations across regions, states and between parties and candidates, in the course of the three-month mega elections process in 2024. But the costs of politics are not just confined to official campaign periods. They begin immediately after a candidate decides to contest for political office, and extend into post-election periods. This study seeks to offer a deeper understanding of the dynamics behind rising political expenditure, the ways in which they are shaped by, and is shaping, the changing nature of election campaigns, and the implications this has for India’s democracy.

Money is a defining feature of the political landscape in Pakistan. There is an implicit understanding amongst politicians and the public alike that a life in politics is only possible for those who have considerable means, and the ability to generate funds as and when needed. This study aims to analyse the financial burdens faced by political candidates, ranging from new entrants to the established political leaders.

The relationship between money and politics has been a pivotal issue in the Maldives, particularly since the adoption of a multiparty-political system in 2008. With elections serving as the cornerstone of representative democracy, the financial demands placed on candidates and political parties have grown exponentially, shaping the nature of political competition and governance and influencing electoral strategies, voter engagement, and, ultimately, political outcomes.

In Bangladeshi politics, the interplay between money and power is not a new phenomenon. However, the situation has worsened in recent years - particularly during the past four AL-led governments from 2009 to 2024 - where the influence of financial resources in politics has increased dramatically. This situation calls for urgent attention, as the intersection of money and political power threatens the very fabric of democracy in the country.